Prabowo Subianto: the warm and fuzzy war criminal

Some friends were wondering recently if Prabowo Subianto, Gerindra party candidate for President, recently had the charges dropped against him for human rights violations.  I said I hoped it wasn’t true, since the world community was pretty much in agreement that he is basically a war criminal.  But I did a little digging just to make sure.  Imagine my disgust when I found out that no formal charges have ever been filed against him, and that the US, while fervently hoping he doesn’t win, is backpedaling like mad, and promises that if he does win, the State Department “would re-establish direct contacts with [him], and will not pursue allegations of human rights abuses.”

Why does the US place sanctions and boycotts on other countries whose leaders commit genocide?

Would we be cozying up to Hitler if he’d won?

Dark days ahead, my friends. 

Indonesia Candidate Tied to Human Rights Abuses Stirs Unease

By JOE COCHRANE (The New York Times)   MARCH 26, 2014

Here he is at a rally last Sunday.  That horse is worth more than JMD’s Aceh cocoa farmers make in a year.

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Prabowo Subianto, a former special forces commander, kicked off his party’s campaign for legislative elections with a rally last weekend that the local news media characterized as “military style.” He rode into a Jakarta stadium in a jeep to greet the party faithful, mounted a horse to circle the grounds and paraded before uniformed party cadres standing at attention.

Despite widespread allegations that he took part in some of Indonesia’s worst human rights abuses during his time as a military officer, Mr. Prabowo — who has announced his candidacy for president — is not playing down his military credentials in a country that many see as craving a strong leader.

But Mr. Prabowo’s candidacy has raised deep concerns among rights activists in Indonesia and abroad. They note that the country’s human rights commission recommended that he be prosecuted in the alleged abductions of pro-democracy activists in the late 1990s, during the final months of the military-backed government of President Suharto, his father-in-law at the time.

Mr. Prabowo’s attempt to become the country’s second directly elected president has also put the Obama administration in a difficult position.

Mr. Prabowo, who graduated from American military training programs in the 1980s and is an admirer of the United States, has for years made it clear that he would like to meet with high-level American officials. So far, the United States has demurred.

“The sensitivity comes from the extremely close association between the U.S. and Indonesian militaries during the atrocities the Indonesian military committed,” said Jeffrey Winters, a professor of political science at Northwestern University, adding that the administration appears to be banking on Mr. Prabowo’s losing or on patching up any bruised feelings if he wins.

“Indonesia is far too strategically important to the U.S. to have frosty relations between the countries,” Mr. Winters said. It not only has strong economic and security ties to the United States, it also has the world’s largest Muslim population.

For the moment, Mr. Prabowo, of the Great Indonesia Movement Party, has been polling behind Joko Widodo, the popular governor of Jakarta who has made his name as a squeaky-clean leader who tackles popular issues like education and Jakarta’s chronic traffic. But the presidential election is still months away — in July, after next month’s legislative election — and the charismatic Mr. Prabowo, 62, has many ardent supporters at the grass-roots level, as well as among powerful businessmen and retired military commanders.

Allegations against Mr. Prabowo extend back to his early career, when he was a young officer in the 1980s in East Timor, where an armed movement was fighting Indonesian occupation. Some human rights groups called for an investigation over allegations that he ordered the massacre of nearly 300 civilians. Mr. Prabowo has vehemently denied being on the scene of the massacre or having any involvement in it.

Later accusations center on his time as one of Indonesia’s most powerful military men under Mr. Suharto. Human rights groups say Mr. Prabowo, then a three-star general, was responsible for the abduction and torture of 23 pro-democracy activists in 1997 and 1998, and for orchestrating riots in May 1998 — just days before Mr. Suharto resigned as president — that resulted in more than 1,000 deaths and the rapes of at least 168 women.

A government-appointed fact-finding team established by Mr. Suharto’s successor reported that Mr. Prabowo had met in his office with military, government and political figures during the riots. That stoked speculation that they had plotted to use the crisis as a way for Mr. Prabowo to take over the crumbling government in a coup. Mr. Prabowo denies any such plot and, in a recent interview, said he could have “taken over if I wanted to.”

A member of the fact-finding team, Marzuki Darusman, said, “To be fair, it’s all circumstantial, and it’s still unresolved.”

In 2006, the National Commission on Human Rights released a report saying 11 people, including Mr. Prabowo, should be prosecuted in the activists’ abductions. The attorney general’s office, which has shied away from most investigations of Suharto-era abuses, declined that request.

The abductions case did end Mr. Prabowo’s military career. He was discharged in August 1998 for “exceeding orders” by arresting the activists, some of whom, according to Mr. Prabowo, had bomb-making equipment. While he accepted responsibility as a senior officer for the torture of nine of the activists, he has said he did not order it and has denied any knowledge about the disappearances of the other 14.

“The main thing about Prabowo is, he’s never been investigated, let alone prosecuted, for the long list of things he’s been linked to,” said Matthew Easton, a former program director for Human Rights First, an organization based in the United States. “His actual command responsibility needs to be investigated.”

Mr. Prabowo argues that he has been made a scapegoat for the abuses committed by the military during Mr. Suharto’s 32 years in power.

“I’ve never been indicted for anything; it’s always innuendos, always allegations,” he said, speaking fluent English in the recent interview. “My critics always say I am a threat to democracy, blah, blah, blah. I believe in democracy and in human rights.”

The United States — which had worried about Indonesia’s stability amid American fears of Communist takeovers in Southeast Asia — had supported Mr. Suharto, but appeared to begin to distance itself from him and figures like Mr. Prabowo after Mr. Suharto lost power.

The State Department denied Mr. Prabowo a visa in 2000 to attend his son’s university graduation in Boston, although it has never explained why. And as Mr. Prabowo’s political career took off over the last six years, successive American ambassadors have given him a wide berth even as other foreign diplomats have met with him and as his brother, a prominent businessman, made several trips to Washington to appeal for opening a dialogue.

Lower-level United States officials have met with members of Mr. Prabowo’s circle, though not with him, according to one of his party’s officials.

A State Department spokeswoman recently appeared to suggest that Mr. Prabowo was not being singled out, saying the United States ambassador, Robert O. Blake, “has no plans to meet with declared candidates.” And at a recent gathering organized by the Jakarta Foreign Correspondents Club, Mr. Blake said, “Whoever is elected, we will gladly work with.”

But the decision not to meet with Mr. Prabowo before the election stands in contrast to the American approach in India, where the ambassador broke nine years of American estrangement with Narendra Modi, whose party is leading in polls, by holding a publicized meeting with him in February. The State Department had revoked Mr. Modi’s visa in 2005 over his alleged role in sectarian violence in Gujarat.

Political analysts say generational change and Mr. Prabowo’s charm help explain why he is considered a strong candidate. Many of the tens of millions of young Indonesian voters do not remember much about the Suharto days, while many older voters contend that army commanders were just trying to keep the fractious archipelago intact.

Mr. Prabowo also has won fans in business, in part for his decisiveness. After he spoke at a gathering last year with Indonesian business leaders and Jakarta-based American executives, “half of them wanted to vote for him right there, even the foreigners who can’t vote,” said one American who attended.

As for the chances of a falling-out with Indonesia if Mr. Prabowo wins, analysts say that is unlikely. They note that Mr. Prabowo remains an American supporter despite the cold shoulder. Barry Desker, a former Singaporean ambassador to Indonesia, said he expected the United States to exercise the same pragmatism it has in India if Mr. Prabowo emerged as the front-runner.

“The State Department would re-establish direct contacts with Prabowo,” Mr. Desker predicted, “and will not pursue allegations of human rights abuses.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/27/world/asia/indonesia-candidate-tied-to-human-rights-abuses-stirs-unease.html?_r=0

Activists in Aceh declare a state of emergency . . . while Indonesia’s Supreme Court Secretary defends his daughter’s wedding party favors. Yikes!

Before we jump back into the Aceh election violence that “keeps increasing and is no longer normal,” according to the NGO Aceh Democratic Forum,

(http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/activists-declare-state-emergency-election-violence-wracked-aceh/), I’d like to return briefly to something a little lighter, but in a way indicative of the divide between Aceh and Jakarta: and that is Ipodgate.

My friend Wati is still getting a kick out of the wedding hijinx of the Supreme Court Secretary.

Apparently, so is the Indonesian press, who followed up the story of the Ipod-laced nuptials with an attempt to get the Judge to explain himself, and Wati translated it for us.

“This is so sad . . .

“Nurhadi, Secretary of the Supreme Court, ‘defends’ the gift polemics as follows:

1. The price of each iPod was less than the $44 maximum value allowed by law to be given as a gift to a public official (they would have exceeded that amount but they were bought wholesale from the US.  Appropriate paperwork has yet to be filed).

2. Even though the 2,500 IPods purchased as reception gifts for guests were directly imported from the US at $42 each, totaling $105,000, they shouldn’t really be considered gifts per se, since all the guests were high-ranking officials and judges [and so presumably would consider this more like a netted bag of candied almonds than a fancy piece of electronics?]

3. And they were only $42 each so should not be totaled together, and that’s why he shouldn’t have to have an importer’s license to get them all at once, or pay duty on them

4. And anyway it was his son-in law-the businessman who bought them, not Nurhadi (who as the court employee with the highest salary grade makes about $76,500/year and “it would be impossible to pay for such an expensive wedding on his salary,” said Indonesia’s Corruption Watch officials.)

“Then Nurhadi just laughed at reporters and said ‘Let’s stop this. This is not an important issue.’

“Can you imagine what you could do for the poor of this country with what it cost to give those wedding guests an Ipod that was considered so small as to not even be a ‘gift?’

“Oh, Indonesia . . . ”

[NB: Current Supreme Court Judge Gayus, who defended Nurhadi, has made headlines in recent months for his high-profile defamation suit against celebrity illusionist Deddy Corbuzier over claims that the justice had received bribe money from dangdut singer Julia “Jupe” Perez.  And in February, former Constitutional Court chief justice Akil Mochtar was charged with three counts of bribery and two counts of money laundering in connection to election disputes he stands accused of fixing.]

It’s Election Déjà vu All Over Again

The March 27, 2012 edition of the Jakarta Post had this headline:

Ahead of local election, police tighten grip on Aceh

The article speaks of increased tensions, weapons confiscation, heightened security in Aceh Utara, and then-incumbent gubernatorial candidate Irwandi’s reporting that his life had been threatened several times by Partai Aceh members.

The March 20, 2014  Channel News Asia/Asia Pacific outlet has this headline:

Political divide between former rebels fuels violence in Aceh

It reports that “former Aceh governor Irwandi Yusuf is a marked man and he is now being targeted by his former colleagues from rebel group - the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).” 

http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asiapacific/political-divide-between/1043136.html

This is still on page one of the local papers, according to JMD staff.  They told me that yesterday was “a very hot situation in Lhokseumawe (Aceh Utara),” where Party Aceh members were shot during a campaign rally there. After the shooting on the same day,  PA members attacked PNA members at a coffee shop; the situation was finally brought under control by the police and army [possibly the Densus 88 counter-terrorism unit that was deployed in March 2012.  Plus ca change . . . ]

This current story is of interest because it gives a pretty concise overview of why there are currently 2 GAM parties duking it out for control of the province:

“Two years ago, Mr Irwandi failed to retain his position as governor and decided to form the Aceh National Party (PNA). The decision split former GAM members right down the middle.

“PNA is seen as a breakaway from the Aceh Party [PA] that has so far been the only political vehicle for former GAM members since the 2009 elections.

“The party is now contesting in this parliamentary election and the contest between former rebels has turned violent. Cases of attacks and killings have spiked since the start of the year.

PNA's vice chairman Kamaruddin Abu Bakar said: "People accused us of being behind the violence. We leave the criminals to the police to tackle. The police should enforce the law. We have called on our cadres in the Aceh Party not to resort to violence."

As the former commander of military operations in GAM, Mr Kamaruddin has a huge influence on former rebels.

However, it is unclear if he can cool tempers as political campaigning heats up.

PNA has claimed it has been the main target of attacks and might not be able to remain passive for long. [Apparently not!!]

The threat of retaliation from PNA would lead to an escalation of violence in Aceh, and that is certainly worrying.”

[so we shall see how the “coffee shop incident” plays out.]

With this being a former conflict zone, it is widely believed that former rebels have kept their old weapons. [this is common knowledge.] 

What's more worrying is that evidence suggests new weapons were used in some attacks.

Aceh Party maintains it bears no grudges against the PNA.

[Ahahahahahahahaha!  Perhaps “grudge”is not how they describe it.]

Aceh Party's vice chairman Abu Razak said: "I see my friends on the opposite side. Having their own party is normal. They are still my friends.”

Unfortunately, Mr Irwandy doesn't seem to share that sentiment. [!!!!!]

"In my view, he is still my friend. Maybe in his view, I'm his enemy," he said.

Leaders from both sides have yet to talk directly to each other, and until that happens, the former GAM rebels who were once on the same side remain enemies."

Well, as we know now, they did meet over coffee . . . .

It’s election time, and Aceh politicos are behaving as expected . . . unfortunately

Aceh National Party Candidate Gunned Down in Latest Instance of Pre-Election Violence

http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/aceh-national-party-candidate-gunned-down-in-latest-instance-of-pre-election-violence/

By Nurdin Hasan, March 3, 2014.

Banda Aceh. An Aceh National Party (PNA) legislative candidate was shot and killed late Sunday night in a hail of bullets — the latest attack on the political party ahead of April’s general elections.

Unknown gunmen opened fire on a car driven by PNA candidate Faisal on a secluded road near Sawang, South Aceh, hitting his Honda Freed MPV with a barrage of 42 assault rifle rounds. He was found dead with gunshot wounds in his chest, stomach and back, South Aceh Police chief Sigit Jatmiko told the Jakarta Globe.

“It’s still unclear whether the victim was chased or blocked by the shooter,” Sigit said. “We also haven’t figured out the number of perpetrators. The police are still investigating the case.”

Police declined to specify what type of guns were used in the attack, but said they discovered 10 5.56mm shell casings at the scene — rounds used in assault rifles worldwide.

The politician was heading home when he was attacked by gunmen on an isolated stretch of road through the hills between Labuhan Haji and Sawang. The gunmen attacked at 9 p.m. local time, killing Faisal and fleeing the scene before police arrived. There were no witnesses to the attack and the nearest village was without power at the time of the shooting, Sigit said.

“The motive remains unknown,” he said. “[We don't know] whether it was political or about another problem.”

The party’s chief Irwansyah said Faisal, the Sawang head of the party, had been the subject of repeated threats by an undisclosed party. He urged police to prevent additional killings in the lead-up to the legislative election.

“Looking back at the previous violent attacks on our members, this shooting is definitely has a political motive,” Irwansyah said.

It was the second attack against PNA members in less than a month. On Feb. 6, the party’s head in Kuta Makmur, North Aceh, was beaten to death in front of a crowd by two men allegedly from the rival Aceh Party (PA). The men accused Juwaini of removing a PA flag in Lamkuta village before immediately attacking him in a savage beating outside a kiosk. A crowd watched the assault but said they were too scared to intervene.

The Aceh Party party members fled the scene, eluding capture. Juwaini was taken to a nearby hospital, where he died shortly after admittance.

Aceh Party chief Muzakir Manaf denied the party’s role in the attacks. The killing remains unsolved.

The killings began in late April with the death of PNA politician Muhammad bin Zainal Abidin. Police found Muhammad shot to death on April 27 after officers pulled his abandoned car out of a river in Pidie district. His body was found in the back seat of his car. Muhammad had been shot twice in the back of the head.

The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) called the early signs of violence worrying, warning in a previous interview that “there are symptoms that a string violence will appear again.”

Three political parties are competing for votes in the upcoming election. The Aceh Party — founded by ex-Free Aceh Movement (GAM) militants — has been at odds with the PNA since it lost members to former Aceh governor Irwandi Yusuf’s fledgling party in 2012. The Aceh Peace Party (PDA), founded by local clerics, also entered the political spectrum in 2012.

The resurgence of violence in the lead-up to the general election is a worrying turn for Aceh. The semi-autonomous province’s 2012 elections were marred by bloodshed as then-governor Irwandi faced down Aceh Party’s Zaini Abdullah for the contested governor’s seat. Both men used to be part of the province’s GAM separatist forces — an armed group that engaged in a decades-long bloody war for independence with the Indonesian Military that left more than 15,000 dead.

The conflict was settled with a 2005 peace agreement that granted the province special autonomy from the central government. But the ensuing elections, which are largely fought by parties comprised of ex-GAM members, have repeatedly turned violent. In 2012, at least nine people were killed in a wave of pre-election violence, much of it allegedly centered on members of the rival political parties.

Some Aceh Party members boycotted the 2012 registration process in protest of a decision allowing Irwandi, then an independent candidate, to run in the election. The Aceh Party painted Irwandi as a turncoat over his refusal to run with the GAM-affiliated party. The former governor was then attacked by a mob of Aceh Party supporters while attending the inauguration of Zaini in July of 2012.

In total, the Aceh Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) recorded 57 instances of violence in the run-up to the 2012 election.

[FYI the current governor, Zaini Abdullah, is Partai Aceh (PA).  The former governor, Irwandi Usuf, had been a PA member but established the Aceh National Party (PNA) after failing to win a second term as governor in 2012.  Both parties are GAM (free Aceh Movement) affiliated.  I believe it’s time to do a little pre-election primer for the next blog, so you can decide: are ideological differences directing these pre-election activities . . . or is it just plain business (and greed) as usual?]