I still have yet to read an account of how the courts are going to deal with the banking industry in Aceh. Calling interest by other names such as a "service charge" doesn't automatically align the banks with Sharia . . . does it? Interest is the price of credit. The morality police can just . . . what? Insist this is not true, and it will automatically be not true? What is going on over there--one large collective provincial nap?
From The New Matilda, Feb 17, 2014
https://newmatilda.com/2014/02/17/aceh-separatists-roll-out-sharia-law
Aceh Separatists Roll Out Sharia Law
By Nic
Borgese
Almost 10 years after the Indian Ocean Tsunami and the end
of the 26 years of separatist conflict between the Indonesian Army and the
Independent Aceh Movement (GAM), Aceh would seem entitled to enjoy some peace
and stability. From the outside looking in it very much seems that way.
Closer scrutiny reveals that Aceh is slipping further into
Islamic fundamentalism, enforcing Sharia law not only on its majority Muslim
population, but for the first time targeting non-Muslim minorities like the
Chinese, Christians and Westerners.
This should sound alarm bells for foreign investors and
donor countries, especially the USA and Australia — two countries with a sizable aid program in Indonesia — as non-compliance to Sharia codes could
make working and visiting Aceh unpalatable at best and unsafe at worst.
Traditionally, Sharia law applied only for Muslims, but
since early February Acehnese authorities have begun enforcing by-laws (Qanun),
passed in December 2013, which require every person, irrespective of race or
religion, to obey Muslim codes or face punishment either by Sharia or regular
courts.
These Qanun regulate dress codes, physical proximity of
unmarried couples, consumption of liquor, same-sex relationships, among other
behaviour codes. Breaches of the codes carry punishment varying from cane
lashes, detention of up to 60 days without trial and fines.
The first attempt to pass these by-laws in 2009 was thwarted
by human rights activists, who compelled the then Governor Irwandi Yusuf not to
sign off on their implementation. The new administration of ex-GAM members, now
rebranded Aceh Party, led by Governor Abdul Zaini and Deputy Muzakir Manaf,
approved the Qanun and are determined to ensure that Aceh becomes an Islamic
state despite a possible stoush with the central government, if the new by-laws
are not aligned with national laws.
The Aceh Party position on Sharia law has changed
dramatically over the years. Sharia law in Aceh was introduced as early as
1999, much to the opposition of the GAM, which saw it as a “trick” intended to
mislead the Acehnese people into supporting the much maligned Jakarta-backed
provincial government. If GAM saw Sharia law as a tool of political and social
control, its political reincarnation has embraced it with similar intent.
While the enforcement of Sharia law has repercussions for
the whole population, it may help reveal the provincial government's position
on collaborating with non-Muslims and institutions.
The divide between Muslim and non-Muslim Indonesia has a
long history, as does anti-Western sentiment. Nonetheless, in the streets of
Aceh antipathy towards Westerners is minimal; people are generally cordial,
welcoming and hospitable. The story may differ at an institutional level.
The fiercely separatist attitudes of the Aceh Party
contradict their attempts to woo foreign investment. Furthermore, the political
alliances that the leadership of the Aceh Party have been forging appear
disingenuous if not disregarding of foreign relation diplomacy.
A clear example is the adherence of Aceh deputy Governor
Muzakir Manaf to the Gerindra Party, led by Prabowo Subianto, a front-runner
candidate for the presidential elections to replace Dr Susilo Bangbang Yudhoyono.
Prabowo has been accused of human rights breaches, crimes against
humanity and being one of the Suharto henchmen who carried out abductions and
torture against activists during the New Order regime. Prabowo was dismissed as
the commander of the Special Force and faced an armed forces tribunal but was
never properly tried for his crimes.
He has since reinvented himself as a political force and is
running second in the presidential polls, trailing only the popular Jakarta
Mayor Jokowi, who is yet to nominate. As a private citizen Prabowo would not be
eligible to enter the US and would be unlikey to get an Australian Visa. This
would change if he became president.
Why would a prominent political figure of Aceh align himself
with a former enemy is the subject of much discussion and conjecture. Suffice
to say that Prabowo and his party provided much financial support to the Aceh
Party during the 2013 Gubernatorial election, which the Aceh Party claimed with
a landslide victory, securing almost 60 per cent of the votes.
The elections were disputed, and there is evidence of ex-GAM
intimidation and threats in remote villages. Nonetheless, the result stood and
the Aceh Party gained control of most of the political apparatus in the
province.
This latest use of power to veto and enforce Sharia law is
an attempt to suppress non-aligned people and minorities. While Chinese and
Christians may feel the brunt of having to adhere to codes with which they
don’t identify or recognise, Sharia law, as enforced in Aceh, discriminates
against moderate Muslims, youth who look to embrace modern thinking, and women.
The UN Provincial Human Development Index Report
provides credible evidence that while Aceh has achieved some economic
development, the position of women and marginalised groups has deteriorated
since the aftermath of the Tsunami. Human Rights groups have collected reliable
evidence of instances in which women have been detained, assaulted and raped by the Sharia police. Some cases have been
investigated, but most go unreported.
The current situation should serve as a warning to anyone
intending to invest, assist or even visit Aceh. The decision to do so should be
accompanied by attempts to advocate or secure conditions conducive to dialogue,
implementation of rules respectful of human rights and equity for minority
groups, women and marginalised people. Foreign investment, aid and tourism
should reflect principles of equality and justice. Only then Aceh can begin to
enjoy peace and stability.
Nic
Borgese is an Australian citizen who has
worked in post-disaster, post-conflict zones for more than 10 years in Asia and
Europe. He currently at the end of a three years stint in Indonesia, two years
were spent in Aceh
Comment #1: I for one am entirely unsurprised, in retrospect
maybe the world should not have been so keen to help rebuild Aceh after the
tsunami.
Comment #2 by “O. Puhleez “
Posted Monday, February 17, 2014 - 18:38
Posted Monday, February 17, 2014 - 18:38
For any parliamentary democracy to function well, those
elected into power have to face not only the hazards of the election cycle but
a credible alternative government (ie an opposition.) As JK Galbraith pointed
out, for power to even function properly, there has to be a countervailing
power.
Unfortunately, when it comes to relations with Indonesia,
the choice between the ALP and the Coalition is a no-brainer. For example, on
the major issue of the boats, Abbott and Morrison have politely but effectively
called Indonesia's bluff, and have shown a commendable determination to send
the people smugglers and their high-fare-paying passengers back to Indonesia.
This contrasts rather starkly with the performance of Shorten and Plibersek on
the issue, who can only whinge about the risk this entails of worsening
relations, etc, etc.
Unfortunately for us, Gillard's ALP government was easy meat
for the people smugglers and the corrupt Indonesian military officers, police
and officials in cahoots with them. For far too long Australian politicians
have been obsequious to their Indonesian counterparts, while at the same time
trying to buy their friendship with shiploads of Australian taxpayer dollars
presented as 'aid'. (Or should that perhaps be better understood as protection
money?)
The chief groveller, appeaser and master of the kow-tow was
of course, Paul Keating. On his watch, that band of uniformed murderers,
rapists and cut-throats better know as the TNI (Indonesian military) murdered,
raped and mutilated as they pleased in East Timor (1965-1999), without a single
objection from Keating or "Softly-softly' Evans, his Foreign Minister. Not
one of those war criminals of course, has ever been brought to justice.
Subianto was in the thick of it, and should have finished up
in the cell next to the one occupied by Slobodan Milosovic in the Hague.
Instead, he will shortly become Indonesian President. He would find dealing
with Shorten and Plibersek a lay-down misere. Abbott and Morrison are clearly
more worthy opponents.
Which as Shorten sinks, is a pity; because but for her
serious deficiency on Indonesia, Plibersek would make a fine prime minister.
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