Terrible
things are happening all over the world.
Even in
Aceh, the media is speculating about how soon the Ebola virus will get to
Sumatra, and how religious intolerance in the province is contributing to the near-global
view of the perils of unchecked fundamentalism.
This may be
why current stories and reports, such as that of Bill Clinton’s April trip to
the province, seem to place the devastation and political/economic collapse
following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami firmly in the past, with current stories
of herculean reconstruction, improved living conditions, and reconciliation
between a once-hostile province and a national government that only wanted the
best for its people.
Indeed, if
you look at the headlines, Aceh almost seems utopic in comparison to other
troubled regions.
But it is
not, and this unfortunate masking of some serious issues, many caused by the
response to the tsunami and subsequent peace accord, is contributing to Aceh’s
spooky trajectory towards being a repressive dictatorship of kleptocrats that
parallels, albeit on a lesser scale, the uncontrolled brutality we’ve been
witnessing in the Middle East.
Do not
forget that it was only 5 years ago that Acehnese men were reported to be the
largest Muslim group per capita to volunteer to join Pakistan/Afghanistan Al
Qaeda for the jihad against the West.
Something
made them this way, and it’s my contention that it wasn’t just misguided religious
fervor. It was desperation, and seething
anger at Jakarta for having once again sold them down the river in terms of
livelihoods, assistance, government positions, compensation, land acquisition,
political self-determination . . . and these acts of marginalization didn’t just
happen over years and years; they were also immediate products of the tsunami
and subsequent reconstruction.
I have been
interested in the reconstruction efforts ever since I became part of them in
early 2005. And I witnessed firsthand
how certain funds always went to certain groups. And I kept track of this, because I knew that
sooner or later this seeming inequity would affect me personally and the agency
I supported. And it did.
So during
this year, the 10-year anniversary of the tsunami and the peace accord, what we
will see around November is the media beginning to ramp up stories like Bill
Clinton’s visit in April, where he was shown all the good things that
reconstruction did.
I am not
interested in demonstrating that the mismanagement of the funds led to further
political instability and environmental devastation in the province, although
they did. I’m interested in helping the
global donor community change its practices in the future, so that when a
natural or man-made disaster hits a developing region, the first act of
assistance after the emergency lifesaving measures have been accomplished is
the empowerment of the local community to take charge and run the
reconstruction—no matter how hard that is and how much money the foreign NGO
will not be able to take back to its homeland.
I want to
start with one story. It’s not the first
example of how we knew something was not right with the reconstruction money,
and it’s certainly not the most glaring example of problems with the
multi-donor funds, but what it does show is how the mismanagement of 2004
reconstruction funds continues to have negative economic, environmental and
political repercussions on an entire region well into 2014.
And it
involves, of course, cocoa.
Stay tuned!
No comments :
Post a Comment