Monday’s mail brought this little gem, a 2009 Tentang PS blog entry in Bahasa sadly, but revealing in an interview with Probowo’s father, Prof. Sumitro, that he had close ties with the CIA when he joined the PRRI rebellion in 1950. Makes sense, since Junior attended Army Special Forces Training at Fort Bragg, NC, in 1980.
My
badly translated excerpts are as follows:
Q: Did PRRI really receive weapons and supplies from the Central Intelligence
Agency ( CIA ) or the U.S. Secret Service ?
A: Yes, most of them. Other weapons were purchased in Phuket, Thailand, and Taiwan. I know George Kahin ( Cornell University professor ) told me it was the CIA It is really inconsequential, though. Many people just hate my CIA involvement. It is true that I had contact with the CIA, but also Korean and French intelligence.
A: Yes, most of them. Other weapons were purchased in Phuket, Thailand, and Taiwan. I know George Kahin ( Cornell University professor ) told me it was the CIA It is really inconsequential, though. Many people just hate my CIA involvement. It is true that I had contact with the CIA, but also Korean and French intelligence.
Q: Did the CIA design movement patterns for PRRI?
A. Not that far. They only helped. We had people of our own designing them. A PRRI weakness is their inclination to regard themselves as a military movement, so they are really weak in politics. Another drawback is that there are too many incoming regional interests .
A. Not that far. They only helped. We had people of our own designing them. A PRRI weakness is their inclination to regard themselves as a military movement, so they are really weak in politics. Another drawback is that there are too many incoming regional interests .
* * *
Q: And after all the PRRI - and your 10 year
escape/exile, you went back to Indonesia? Do Suharto ask you back ?
A: In 1966 , Suharto sent an envoy abroad to look for me. Pak Harto needed an economic advisor for Widjojo and others who were young and inexperienced. They loked everywhere for me, but to no avail. As a fugitive, I was more adept at hiding, ha - ha - ha . . . Finally, we met in Bangkok, November 1966, brought together with Sugeng Djarot, our defense attache there. I was asked back. I received the offer and returned in July 1967.
A: In 1966 , Suharto sent an envoy abroad to look for me. Pak Harto needed an economic advisor for Widjojo and others who were young and inexperienced. They loked everywhere for me, but to no avail. As a fugitive, I was more adept at hiding, ha - ha - ha . . . Finally, we met in Bangkok, November 1966, brought together with Sugeng Djarot, our defense attache there. I was asked back. I received the offer and returned in July 1967.
The
same blog also reprints AsiaWeek’s heart-wrenching 2000 story on Prabowo,
entitled “I Never Betrayed My Country,” bringing up, just in time for
absolution, the possibility that Probowo was not the “mastermind” behind all
the genocide but just a poor patriotic general following orders. (This theme is
repeated throughout his father’s 2009 interview, to wit: (“Yes, he did kidnap
nine people and do a bunch of other mean things, but he was only following
orders.”)
One
excerpt from this article attempts to lend legitimacy to his distance from
actual war crimes by citing the opinions of the press.
Now, many thinking
Indonesians are acknowledging that Prabowo was perhaps the easy but not
necessarily right target. Says veteran journalist
Aristedes Katoppo: “He was made the fall guy for a lot of mistakes not of his
making. He may have demanded things. But launching a coup? That is wrong. It’s
disinformation.” Prabowo himself believes
that his persecution has a reason: “There was a certain group that wanted to
make me a scapegoat, maybe to hide their involvement.”
What emerges from Prabowo’s
own account, coupled with this magazine’s independent inquiry, is a far
different, more nuanced tale than the accepted assessment that Suharto’s fall stemmed from a
battle between good and evil – and that Prabowo was the villain. This
story is a report from and about the highest reaches of Indonesian politics, a
revelation of its treacherously shifting nature and the complexities of its
actors. It challenges what many accept about the country: its military, its
former ruling family, its history. Whatever verdict you draw, it is impossible
to look at the fall of Suharto in the past – or the personalities and conflicts
of the present – in the same way again.
So I asked Wati if there were
any credibility to this report from a “veteran journalist.” How
do we know unequivocally, I asked her, that Prabowo is as bad as we think he
is? Are there actual documents or confessions or evidence that name him
as the person in charge when these atrocities were being committed? This
article implies that some journalists say no . . .
And her response:
What about the journalist from Bloomberg who wrote that Jusuf Kalla [Jokowi’s
running mate] is a RESPECTED figure and yet just now Kalla said that Jokowi and
his candidacy got number "2" for voters to cast, and hat Megawati was
so pleased.
Who exactly is the candidate nominated
by the PDIP--Jokowi or Mega? She’s still
pulling the strings . . . “
This in reference to a statement Jokowi made when his slate
was given the number 2, as is customary in Indonesia --you vote for a number,
not names; in this case #1 is Probowo/ Hatta Radjasa, #2 is Jokowi/Kalla. Upon receiving the number, Jokowi quoted Megawati
saying, “Number 2 means Victory and peace; therefore, please vote #2.” Prabowo protested this statement because it’s
considered campaigning, which is prohibited outside the set dates for this
activity. “But
the point,” says Wati, “is why did Jokowi have to quote
Mega? She should stand aside and no
longer be involved directly in the race at this stage. So no one is respectable at this point, and
journalists can get led astray very easily . . . ”
Last night she added an observation:
"It’s getting really dangerous, as the
issues all are now focused on who is “more Muslim." And the extremist
Muslims are joining Prabowo.
Sadly, Kalla has reacted by showing
so much of his “Muslim side” that Jokowi now starts his speeches with the
Arabic version of “Greetings fellow Muslims!”
Note that Soekarno and my late father
wisely avoided this Arabic version of greetings. Why? Because of the fact that
Indonesia is a secular state based on PANCASILA .
And Arabic is not our language nor
part of our Indonesian identity. ISLAM is NOT ARABISM.
But the two candidates are too afraid
to say this in public since it might endanger Muslim votes and this is where
extreme Islam sees an opportunity to muzzle any secular influence . . ."
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